On New Year's Eve 2015, around one thousand immigrants sexually assaulted hundreds of female revellers in the German city of Cologne. It subsequently emerged that mobs of immigrants in other European cities had also assaulted women in what were clearly organized attacks. You may remember the cathedral of Cologne turning off its lights to oppose the anti-Islamization protest group PEGIDA one week before the Charlie Hebdo jihad in Paris in January 2015. How misguided does that seem just one year later?

The mainstream media are unscrupulously promoting their disingenuous, utopian view that all that is needed to stop ISIS is to avoid making unpleasant criticisms on social media, and for western society to refrain from being so 'Islamophobic'. Unfortunately, the majority of individuals are swallowing this forced medicinal psychosis unsuspectingly. Sunshine, rainbows and unicorns are a much easier sell than the bitter tasting medicine of reality.

All that is required for conflict is difference, in other words, diversity. The more differences there are the more conflict will arise. The greater these differences are the more heated the conflict will be.

The other morning I was listening to BBC Radio Five Live host a discussion with members of the public about the Syrian 'refugee' crisis and the photograph of the dead boy that has been shamelessly, and tastelessly, plastered all over the front pages. A man came on with his voice wobbling and his heart clearly breaking, explaining how destroyed he felt when his 10-year-old granddaughter had asked him why nobody wanted to help the dead boy on the beach.

Here is my problem: I am promoting a culturist version of Darwinian literary studies and very few political activists see an urgent and vital connection between Darwinian literary studies and their patriotic cause. Fortunately, Stanley Kubrick's powerful Vietnam War film, Full Metal Jacket, makes the connection clear.

One thing about the coming EU referendum is certain: it will be a much fairer fight than that which occurred in 1975 when the stay-in camp had captured most leading politicians including all the party leaders, all the mainstream media and most of big business. In addition, the stay-in side then had funding which utterly dwarfed that of the get-out campaign and, not content with that advantage, used the government machine to produce its own pamphlet on the renegotiations to go alongside those of the stay-in and leave campaigns. Perhaps most damaging was a lack of preparation for the vote by those who wanted to leave the EEC.

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